By Xujun Eberlein

The new issue of Remembrance (<记忆>) continues to review Mao’s Last Revolution (by Roderick MacFarquhar and Michael Schoenhals; Chinese translation can be found here). The four articles in issues 55 and 56 discuss the book from different angles, with thoughtful comments and legitimate questions. All are well worth reading.

Coincidentally, nearly two years ago, it was Michael Schoenhals who had this to say about the journal (阅读中文):

Remembrance (记忆, jiyi) is an electronic journal edited by Cultural Revolution historians in China in the May 4th tradition of the joint intellectual venture that does not so much put a premium on uniformity of opinion — and even less on common party political affiliation — as on a shared desire to explore a subject without prejudice in the pursuit of historical truth. … The journal is a Chinese venture, but in the 21st century that no longer prevents it from being a globalized one.

Schoenhals nailed the main characteristic of the e-journal precisely: it is non-partisan and it is without prejudice. One can often find opposite opinions in feature articles and readers’ letters to the editor. Meanwhile, the journal consistently provides high-quality research and well-written memoirs. For anyone who is interested in learning about the true history of China’s Cultural Revolution, or contributing to the research, Remembrance is the one reliable place to go.

Another book discussed in the current issue is Fighting for Mao – Chongqing’s Large Armed-Fights (《为毛主席而战—文革重庆大武斗实录》) by He Shu, newly published (in Chinese) by Joint Publishing (H. K.). I’ve read He Shu’s articles on this topic before, and I believe his new book is a significant contribution to the CR research. It is a valuable book to possess and I certainly am going to buy it.

Remembrance is published every two weeks. To manage in the reality of China’s internet censorship, the journal maintains a low-key, high-quality policy, and it does not have an official website in the mainland. As such I volunteered (with the editors’ permission) to host the journal on my website. I will update every two weeks as soon as the e-journal arrives in my inbox.

My only regret is that I don’t have the time to translate all the articles into English. Hopefully, as the journal content gets compiled into books, professional translations will also become available. For now, those of you who can read Chinese have the clear advantage of “a waterside pavilion getting the moonlight first.”

This post was first published at Inside-Out China. It is reposted here with the author’s permission.

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By Annie Ye Ren

For the past four years, I have periodically worked with a Chinese grassroots HIV/AIDS non-governmental organization (NGO) that serves children in Fuyang Prefecture, Anhui Province. The Fuyang AIDS Orphan Salvation Association (AOS) gives aid directly to local communities, addressing local needs that are often overlooked or underfunded by large-scale government projects.

After the Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome (SARS) epidemic in 2003, China’s leadership began to develop programs to provide care for people with HIV/AIDS, beginning with the Four Frees and One Care Policy and the China Comprehensive AIDS Response (China CARES). Among other things, this has included free pediatric HIV/AIDS medicines for a small number of children, and the training of local doctors on the treatment of children with HIV/AIDS.

These changes have been slow to take hold, however, and patients and families still pay out-of-pocket for treatment for opportunistic infections and related clinical tests. Many more suffer in silence, and because they live in isolation are unaware of the new treatment policies. The growth of NGOs like AOS serves as a reminder of the needs that remain unmet.

While some farmers in Fuyang Prefecture have the financial capacity to manage their own economic and healthcare costs, most farmers with HIV/AIDS need support. For example, children with HIV/AIDS need to take their medicines at set times of day. If patients do not maintain strict adherence, the medicines lose their effectiveness. A recent report on the Chinese National Pediatric Therapy detailed the problem of treatment adherence and the resulting growing resistance of patients to first-line antiretroviral (ARV) drugs.

However, many children live at home with aging grandparents who are unable to follow this strict schedule, while their migrant laborer parents work far away. Some farmers in Fuyang, especially women and the elderly, are illiterate, and find it difficult to navigate the complexities of a pediatric HIV/AIDS treatment regimen.

With the help of a Boston-based NGO, PATS Kids, AOS started a health worker project to provide assistance with treatment to children with HIV in Fuyang. The health workers project was loosely modeled after Mao Zedong’s “Barefoot Doctors.” In the Mao era, the “barefoot doctors” were farmers trained in basic preventative medicine. The program was founded on the principle that basic health care does not have to be costly and can be provided by drawing on the resources of the local communities. Following this model, some of the AOS office staff were trained as “barefoot doctors” with a limited scope of care: their mission was to ensure the treatment adherence of children living with HIV/AIDS.

The assistance of AOS healthcare workers was especially important in impoverished mountain regions, where local village hospitals are underfunded, and local doctors inexperienced and untrained in the treatment of HIV/AIDS. I remember visiting a small cluster of HIV/AIDS-affected families in a mountainous region in Henan Province with an AOS healthcare worker. While families there received free HIV/AIDS medicines and care, a trip to the local doctor took two days, and was not an affordable expense. Additionally, inexperienced local doctors often failed to prescribe the proper combination of medicines, resulting in unnecessary physical pain and discomfort for their patients. As a result, some of the people living with HIV/AIDS that I visited suffered from bloating, weight loss, and skin infections. All of these symptoms can often be alleviated with targeted personalized medical regimens, and regular medical exams. The AOS healthcare workers documented these problems, tracked and monitored the basic health of the children they visited, and worked to address medical issues that came up.

AOS healthcare workers also served as a reliable source of information from outside the villages. Isolated rural families do not have access to information regarding treatment. They also lack psychological and social support. A father living with HIV once told me, “I don’t care about my own health, I just care about my child’s. I don’t understand all of these medical issues. I just want to know that my child will live a long and healthy life. I will do anything to help him to be healthy.” To an isolated family like this one, a visiting health care worker brings much-needed relief from the daily anxieties and fear of living with HIV/AIDS.

These healthcare workers served also as coordinators, relaying messages between local doctors and the Center for Disease Control. They helped to locate HIV/AIDS training for local doctors, and provided families with travel stipends to visit the hospital.

In addition, AOS healthcare workers often connected isolated families and individuals living with HIV/AIDS with one another. I remember visiting young newlyweds who had been introduced to one another by an AOS worker. They fell in love and later moved in together. The young woman said to me, “When I met my husband, I felt the need to put on makeup again for the first time. I look forward to getting up every day and seeing him.”

Grassroots organizations like AOS can alleviate and address specific needs of local communities. Farmers with HIV/AIDS in China live with heavy medical debt and the constant strain of illness. Their children, who are often stigmatized at school, live in constant stress and fear that their parents will soon pass away. These are not problems with simple solutions, and while grassroots NGOs are not the only solution, they work to bridge gaps where services simply do not exist.

Annie Ye Ren will be attending the Institut d’Etudes Politiques, Sciences Po, for a Masters in Public Policy. In the past she has worked in Beijing on the Global Fund, China, and UK HIV/AIDS program on developing an all China National HIV/AIDS surveillance program. She will continue to work with the NGO PATS kids as well as other projects relating to global health.

This article previously appeared at Asia Catalyst; it has been reposted here with permission.

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By Yap Soo Ei, Ji Xing, Nicolai Volland, Yang Lijun, and Paul Pickowicz

Feng Xiaogang’s blockbuster Aftershock is making headlines these days, setting new records at the box office in China. We cannot say yet if the excitement is justified—Aftershock has only just hit the theaters here in Singapore. It is clear, however, that the current cinema craze in China is not at all a new phenomenon. In fact, new releases on the silver screen created similar sensations in Shanghai as early as eighty years ago. And many of these old films continue even today to fascinate. Films by pioneering Chinese directors of the 1920s and 1930s still dazzle, with their opulent sets, the metropolitan glamour of Shanghai, not to speak of their melodramatic stories of love and distress, passion and agony.

At a workshop held at the National University of Singapore in June and July 2010, directed by Paul Pickowicz and chaired by Yang Lijun and Nicolai Volland, we took a closer look at some of these films, gems of China’s silent film era. Although interest in “Golden Age” Chinese cinema has gradually picked up in recent years, many of these films remain little known, as opposed, for instance, to the works of directors from China’s “fifth” and “sixth” generations. Yet after several days of collective movie-watching and intensive discussion, there is little doubt about the richness of this treasure trove of early Chinese films.

Imagine, for example, the following opening shots: The camera zooms in on the supple thighs of a young woman. A few seconds later, you—the viewer—see her charming smile. She is wearing a simple short sleeved shirt, both arms exposed, and clad in shorts with one of the seams torn. In full view now, you are able to admire her slender body. She is in a playful mood. Such are the opening shots of Sun Yu’s 1931 film Wild Rose (Ye meigui), set in an idyllic countryside. But this dream world will not last; misfortune will soon befall the female protagonist and the man she loves. Painful separation seems inevitable. Will the couple eventually reunite? What will lead them back together? Just a hint (spoiler alert!): they both sign up for a vaguely defined “revolution.”

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Deanna Fei is author of A Thread of Sky (Penguin Press, 2010), a novel about three generations of women in a Chinese American family. Here, she talks with recent UC Irvine graduate Mengfei Chen.

Mengfei Chen: What were some of your inspirations in writing the book? How did it begin? What experiences informed your writing?

Deanna Fei: A Thread of Sky is the story of a family of Chinese American women who reunite for a tour of their ancestral home. It was inspired by a trip through China’s “must-sees” that I embarked on ten years ago with my mother, my sisters, my aunt and my grandmother — six strong-willed, complicated women herded together for two weeks on a package tour. I was struck by the dramatic possibilities of this set-up, as well as the questions it raised about home and identity, culture and authenticity, travel and migration, history and memory. The tour took place at the end of a year I’d spent studying Chinese at Beijing Normal University. I’d thought I was ready to move on to the next stage of my life: teaching in New York, studying creative writing. But a few years later, I hadn’t stopped thinking about that tour. I started scribbling notes, and the characters began taking on lives of their own, completely apart from their real-life counterparts, and soon I was writing a novel.

I knew that in order to write about my characters’ travels through China with the necessary depth and immediacy, I needed to return. This time, I went back on a Fulbright Grant, intending to stay for another year, researching contemporary Chinese history and soaking up modern life in Shanghai while making periodic trips to the cities on my characters’ itinerary. I became so immersed in my research and writing that my stay eventually stretched to three years, during which my understanding of China continually evolved — and I expect it always will.

MC: One of the major themes in the novel is feminism in Chinese history. Why did you want to write about this topic? How did you do your research (sources, etc)? Did you learn anything surprising?

DF: Though they might not call themselves feminists, all six women in the novel are fiercely independent and have strived to make a difference in the world around them. Until this tour take shape, the American-born daughters of this family have always thought of these traits as being tied to their Westernization, but now they begin to trace it back to their grandmother and the story of feminism in China.
Their grandmother was once a leader of the Chinese feminist movement who garnered comparisons to such historical heroines as Hua Mulan and Qiu Jin. In my research, I read accounts of their lives as well as contemporary portraits of female leaders such as those in Wang Zheng’s Women in the Chinese Enlightenment and Xie Bingying’s A Woman Soldier’s Own Story.

What fascinated me was how an entire movement, a brand of feminism that many argue started earlier and spread wider than its American counterpart, had become obscured in history. In China, the conventional narrative is that feminism began with Communist liberation, when in fact a generation of activists had made huge inroads back in the 20s. Meanwhile, Westerners tend to see themselves as the standard-bearers of progress, particularly in terms of women’s rights. I wanted to explore the life story of a woman whose contributions to modern China had been erased, even as she still carries the cause in her bones.

MC: How does history, personal and cultural, playing a role in the lives of your characters?

DF: In various ways, my characters have seen themselves as somewhat untethered to history, whether by dint of being exiles, immigrants, or American-born. Yet they are all haunted by it, in the form of war wounds, family secrets, genetics or simply sensing its shadow. In China, history just is; an ordinary person doesn’t have to study it or return to it in order to feel it. But for the family in my novel, it’s only when they embark on this tour that they begin to comprehend how their lives play out against the intersections of political and family history, Chinese and American history, that have shaped their present.

MC: Much of A Thread of Sky is set in China, yet it’s also about Chinese Americans. What are some of the issues that you consider to be important for Chinese Americans of your generation?

DF: Whereas previous generations tended either to seek acceptance as assimilated Americans or to hold onto their Chinese identity as primary, I think my generation is eager to build a culture of our own. We’re truly Chinese American — not just Chinese or just American — and we don’t feel limited by the category. We might identify more broadly as Asian Americans, Americans of color, transnational Chinese or all of the above. Whatever the case, we seek to gain a lot more representation in “American” arts, politics, media and more.

MC: There is a growing appetite for writing on China. Is there anything that you think fiction about China offers readers that non-fiction or academic writing does not?

DF: That’s an excellent question. I’ve relied on plenty of wonderful nonfiction and academic writing to deepen my own understanding of China, but fiction definitely has its place. China often tempts Westerners to make sweeping, oversimplified statements — for instance, Chinese culture is repressive, or materialistic or all about saving face. Sometimes this happens precisely because China is a place of such vastness and complexity that it’s easier to make such statements than to convey true understanding; sometimes it’s plain ignorance. Either way, when you combine this impulse with the fact that nonfiction and academic writing are often aimed at arriving at a definitive answer, at some inarguable conclusion, there’s considerable potential for misunderstanding.

Fiction, by contrast, is aimed at exploration, not explanation. It’s the province of nuance and contradiction. A good novel gives a sense of expansion, of a broadening and deepening view, but it also acknowledges that some things remain beyond our grasp. In this way, fiction can sometimes offer readers a truer perspective of China than other forms of writing.

That, at least, is my hope.

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By Mary E. Gallagher

This spring, a series of well-coordinated and successful strikes in foreign-invested enterprises in China made headlines all around the world. Young migrant workers openly and forcefully articulated demands for higher wages, better representation, and more consideration of their “spiritual” and mental well-being. These demands have led to increased speculation that China’s current economic boom is winding down, as its growth strategy founded in part on cheap migrant labor from rural areas faces domestic and international difficulties.

This is not the first time that Chinese workers have openly protested for higher wages, better treatment, and more job security. What makes this period more important and potentially much more consequential is the confluence of demographic, social and political trends that have increased the bargaining power of employees for the first time in two decades. Workers are now protesting in a position of relative strength after a long period of perceiving that the economic and political trends were against them.

Travelling to China three different times this summer has offered me some time to observe this phenomenon from different locations, different perspectives, and in different points of time – when large strikes were still occurring in June to now in late August where strike activity has quieted down. Foxconn’s management just unleashed their 50,000 strong “worker party” with domestic and international media showing bizarre photos of underpaid workers holding up posters of Terry Guo that say “Love Me, Love You, Love Terry.” New Life Movement ideology combines with the CCP’s “your factory is home” propaganda to create a mishmash of capitalist company-driven paternalism and “work-unit socialism:” low pay, Taylorist work organization, company control and oversight of a worker’s life, but without the security and benefits of the now quaint “iron-rice bowl.”

Gallagher 1

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